There is a proven model for electing them in 2028 and taking government back from corporations.

Each of our next members of Congress is already among us. They may be a nurse, an engineer, a machinist, a teacher, a laid-off tech worker, a small business owner, a veteran, a parent, a farmer, a tradesman, a warehouse worker, or a local advocate who has spent years solving problems without ever imagining themselves as a member of Congress.

That is exactly why we must search for them early and begin showing overwhelming support in place of the only other thing the media cares about—viability based on dollars collected.

The root problem is that the 1% select our candidates through what is called the “money primaries”, which happens before any vote is cast, and immediately makes those candidates viable in the opinion of corporate and local media. They get free media coverage and usually win their party primary, and one of the two will win the general election.

The 99% do not yet have an equivilant candidate selection process.
We either wait for candidates to present themselves, often with minimal resources and little chance of challenging the party machine, or worse, we simply show up at the polls after the real decisions have already been made at the money and party primary. Then we complain because the general eelection ballot offers only a choice between donor-approved candidates and the least-worst option.

If Congress has been captured by people who no longer understand the lives of the Americans they claim to represent, then the answer is not to wait for the same party machinery to hand us better candidates.

Introducing the People Primary — The Answer to the 1% Money Primaries

The answer is to enter the process earlier: actively search our own communities, find credible representatives among ourselves, vet them thoroughly, support them early, promote them relentlessly, and elect them through disciplined campaigns that do not depend on donor-class permission.

There is already a proven model for this used by Progressives, but not yet tried by Independents or Conservatives. Justice Democrats and related grassroots networks have shown that candidate recruitment need not begin with party insiders. Their process used public nominations, volunteer review, small-dollar fundraising, distributed organizing, message discipline, and primary challenges to turn overlooked community members into serious congressional candidates. The most famous example is Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, whose name came through a public nomination process and whose 2018 primary victory over Rep. Joe Crowley shocked the political establishment.

That history matters. Not because American workers should copy Justice Democrats’ ideology. They should not. The lesson is not ideological. The lesson is structural.

The lesson is that the party machine can be beaten when ordinary people stop accepting the candidates handed down to them, identify credible representatives from within their own communities, and build the infrastructure to carry those candidates through low-turnout primaries.

That is the model Clean Slate 2028 must now adapt to: electing America First, pro-worker candidates who put U.S. workers, constitutional government, and the national interest ahead of corporate donors, foreign labor arbitrage, and party loyalty.

To do that, we must agree on one uncomfortable strategic truth: neither major party label is morally or politically relevant anymore. The labels still control ballot access, primary rules, voter files, media habits, and election machinery, but they no longer deserve our loyalty. We should not treat the labels “Republican” or “Democrat” as identities. We should treat them as access badges.

Any American voter can simply select a party affiliation when registering to vote. There’s no judgment, loyalty test, dues paid, or secret handshakes. Each District Committee will strategically and unapologetically choose which major party primary to exploit.

Why would this work? Independent (non-partisan) voters outnumber each party 2 to 1. There’s nothing they can do about it.

“The major party labels still control ballot access, primary rules, voter files, media habits, and election machinery, but they no longer deserve our loyalty. We should not treat the labels
“Republican” or “Democrat” as identities.

We should treat them as access badges.“

Randell S. Hynes

That means getting past the stigma of registering as a Republican or Democrat In Name Only. If the clearest path in a district runs through a Republican primary, then the candidate and the movement can register as Republicans for that race. If the clearest path runs through a Democratic primary, then the candidate and the movement can register as Democrats for that race. The point is not to become loyal partisans. The point is to create a Trojan Horse in every district where the primary gate is weak, turnout is low, and incumbents have grown dependent on voters just going through the motions.

As RINOs or DINOs, independent-minded Americans can enter the primary system without surrendering to it. We can choose our candidates before the party primary, move together into the strategic primary lane, and primary every incumbent who serves donors instead of the people. We do not have to hide this. We should say it plainly. The parties built the gates. We are going to walk through them together.

The old candidate pipeline is the problem

Most Americans experience elections as consumers, not owners. Every two years, candidates appear on the ballot as if they came from nowhere. Voters are told to pick between them. Party consultants call this democracy, but for most people, it feels more like a product launch.

By the time voters are paying attention, the most important decisions have already been made. Donors have been courted. Consultants have been hired. Party committees have signaled which candidates are “serious.” Endorsements have been arranged. Media narratives have been formed. The public is invited in near the end of the process and told to choose the least unacceptable option.

That is backward.

A republic is not supposed to work that way. The people are not supposed to be passive consumers of candidates manufactured by party machinery. The people are supposed to choose representatives from among themselves.

This is where the Justice Democrats example becomes useful. Their founders and organizers understood that candidate recruitment itself was a battlefield. If the only people who run are the people already approved by the establishment, then the establishment wins before the campaign begins. So they created a process to search for candidates outside the normal pipeline. They asked supporters to nominate people. They reviewed thousands of names. They looked for lived experience, communication ability, authenticity, commitment, and connection to community. They built support around candidates who did not fit the traditional mold.

Again, the point is not that their model was perfect. It was not. Many candidates lost. The approach required money, volunteers, training, media attention, timing, and the right district conditions. It was not a magic wand.

But it proved something crucial: the candidate pipeline can be opened from the outside.

That is exactly what American workers need.

US Workers can use the same structural insight for our mission

Justice Democrats used the Democratic primary system to advance a progressive agenda. They recruited and supported challengers against incumbents they believed were too aligned with corporate power and insufficiently responsive to working-class voters. In 2018, according to Ballotpedia, Justice Democrats recruited twelve Democratic primary challengers and endorsed many other candidates. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez was the only Justice Democrats-recruited candidate to win election to Congress that year, while the group also endorsed several candidates who became part of the broader “Squad” identity.

That distinction matters. The claim is not that a single organization elected every member of The Squad. Politics is more complicated than that. Local conditions mattered. Other organizations mattered. The candidates themselves mattered. Volunteers mattered. Media mattered. The national mood mattered.

But the model mattered too.

AOC’s rise did not begin with a party boss tapping her on the shoulder. HuffPost reported that her name came through a public nomination process run with Brand New Congress; the groups received thousands of nominations. Organizers reviewed those names, looked for people with compelling stories and community ties, and eventually helped build support around a candidate almost no one in national politics expected to win.

That is the lesson.

If a movement can identify credible outsiders, help them become viable candidates, and concentrate support in a primary with low turnout and complacent incumbents, it can change who gets to Congress.

Clean Slate 2028 can use that same structural insight for an America First, pro-worker mission.

This is not a Progressive movement. The ideal Clean Slate candidate is constitutionalist, nationalist, likely Independent or right-leaning, and firmly pledged to protect American workers. Their job is not to drag the country into another prefabricated ideological program. Their job is to break corporate control of Congress, restore representation for American workers, and clear the way for future Congresses to debate and address policies currently trapped outside the acceptable Overton window.

This does not mean importing someone else’s ideology. It means learning from a proven organizing mechanism. Candidate searches work when they are public, serious, disciplined, and rooted in community trust. Primary challenges work when voters understand that the incumbent is not inevitable. Small-dollar support works when people believe they are part of something bigger than one race. Volunteer infrastructure works when ordinary citizens are given clear jobs and a reason to keep showing up.

Those tools do not belong to the left. They do not belong to the right. They belong to whoever has the courage and discipline to use them.

The candidate search must begin long before the parties’ primaries

The biggest mistake a pro-worker movement can make is waiting until the ballot is already set.

By then, the donor class has already shaped the field. The parties have already narrowed the choices. Local activists are already being told who is “electable.” Challengers are already behind. Volunteers are already scattered. The incumbent already has money, name recognition, consultants, and the psychological advantage of inevitability.

Clean Slate 2028 has to reverse the order.

The search begins first. The community chooses first. The movement builds support first. The primary ballot line comes later.

In every congressional district, District Committees should begin by asking a simple question: Who among us has earned trust?

Not who has the most money. Not who has the most polished résumé. Not who has spent the most time flattering party officials. Who has served the community? Who understands what American workers are facing? Who can clearly explain the rigged system? Who has the courage to withstand pressure? Who can sign the Unleash US Workers Pledge and mean it? Who is willing to represent people rather than donors?

The answer may not be obvious at first. That is why a search matters. People should nominate neighbors, coworkers, local leaders, whistleblowers, small business owners, veterans, organizers, and professionals who have seen the damage firsthand. The movement should review those names, interview candidates, test their communication skills, examine their record, and determine whether they are ready for the sacrifice of a congressional campaign.

The process should be serious because the office is serious. Being anti-establishment is not enough. Anger is not enough. A candidate must be credible, disciplined, honest, teachable, and prepared to serve. They must understand that the campaign is not a personal brand exercise. It is a mission.

Once the community identifies its candidate, the next question is strategic: which primary gives that candidate the clearest path?

That is where the major-party labels come in.

Party labels are tools, not identities

The major parties have lost the moral authority to demand loyalty from the people they abandoned.

For decades, Americans have been told to identify as Republican or Democrat as if those labels were permanent tribes. Meanwhile, both parties allowed corporate donors, lobbyists, consultants, and committee structures to dominate the candidate pipeline. Both parties learned to present voters with choices that protect the donor class no matter who wins. Both parties ask working Americans for loyalty while offering them candidates who too often serve everyone except workers.

Clean Slate 2028 rejects that trap.

Republican and Democrat are not sacred identities. They are ballot-access tools. They are legal and procedural pathways through a system the major parties built to protect themselves. If those labels have been used to trap voters into donor-approved choices, the people can use those same labels to break the trap.

That means overcoming the stigma of temporarily registering or campaigning under a major-party label when strategy requires it. The point is not to become loyal Republicans or loyal Democrats. The point is to use the ballot line that gives a community-chosen, worker-first candidate the clearest path to victory.

In one district, that may mean entering the Republican primary. In another, it may mean entering the Democratic primary. In some places, it may mean contesting both. The decision should be tactical, local, and data-driven.

This is not hiding. It is the opposite of hiding.

The movement should say openly what it is doing: we are choosing our candidate first, then using the weakest gate in the major-party primary system to elect that candidate. We are not asking permission from party bosses. We are not pretending the parties still represent us. We are using their own structure against the donor class that captured it.

Justice Democrats understood the power of primary challenges inside a major party. Clean Slate 2028 can understand the same thing without accepting the ideological assumptions of Justice Democrats. The method is portable. The mission is different.

Why this can work

The reason this strategy can work is simple: there are way more of us.

Independents and independent-minded Americans are the overwhelming majority. They outnumber each major party more than 2 to 1. Yet major-party primaries are often decided by a small slice of voters. In many congressional districts, the real election is effectively decided in the primary, especially when one party dominates the district. That means a disciplined, organized, community-backed movement can have an outsized impact if it focuses early and acts together.

The establishment depends on voters being fragmented, cynical, late, and reactive. It depends on ordinary people paying attention only after the donor class has already shaped the race. It depends on challengers being isolated. It depends on candidates without institutional backing running alone until they collapse.

A community-driven candidate search changes that.

It gives the candidate legitimacy before the campaign formally begins. It gives volunteers ownership because they helped choose the candidate. It gives donors a reason to give early because the campaign is not random; it is part of a national strategy. It gives voters a clear story: this person came from us, not from them. It gives local media a reason to pay attention. It gives workers a reason to believe politics is not only something done to them.

The most powerful sentence in any congressional race may be this: “We found this candidate ourselves.”

That sentence breaks the spell.

It tells voters they do not have to accept whatever the party machine offers. It tells workers they are not limited to complaining about bad choices. It tells communities they can become candidate factories of their own.

The support system matters as much as the candidate

A candidate search without support is just a suggestion box.

If Clean Slate 2028 is serious, it must build the support structure around candidates early. That means training, communications help, volunteer recruitment, voter contact, small-dollar fundraising, digital infrastructure, local endorsements, ballot-access guidance, opposition research, debate preparation, and legal compliance.

The establishment candidates already have a machine. Worker-first candidates need one too.

But the machine must be different in spirit. It cannot become another consultant racket. It cannot treat candidates as products and voters as targets. It must be rooted in local ownership and national coordination. District Committees should remain central. The candidate must be accountable to the pledge, to the community, and to the mission.

The goal is not to create celebrities. The goal is to create representatives.

Justice Democrats succeeded where it succeeded because it paired candidate recruitment with movement energy. It did not merely say, “Run for office.” It helped build an ecosystem around insurgent campaigns. It gave supporters a way to participate. It made races feel connected to a national fight. That is the part Clean Slate 2028 must understand.

A worker-first candidate running alone against an incumbent is an underdog. A worker-first candidate backed by a District Committee, a pledge, a national movement, small donors, volunteers, and a clear strategy is something else entirely.

That candidate becomes a vehicle for people who were never supposed to have power.

There is another practical reason early support matters: under FEC rules, a nonincumbent candidate for federal office may receive compensation from their principal campaign committee under certain conditions. That matters because many of the best possible candidates are not independently wealthy. They cannot simply quit work for a year, campaign full-time, and survive on applause.

The rule is limited, and campaigns must follow it carefully. A sitting federal officeholder may not receive candidate compensation from campaign funds. But a nonincumbent candidate may be paid by the campaign, capped at the lesser of 50% of the minimum annual salary paid to a Member of the U.S. House of Representatives or the candidate’s average annual earned income during the five most recent calendar years in which the candidate earned income before becoming a candidate. The campaign must also reduce the permissible amount by outside earned income received after the candidate files their Statement of Candidacy.

Early organizing, early fundraising, and early public support can give ordinary Americans a real path to becoming viable candidates

In plain English, this means a serious campaign can help make it financially possible for a working American to run. It does not make the candidate rich. It does not remove the need for discipline, sacrifice, compliance, and transparency. But it can prevent the system from excluding every credible person who cannot afford to campaign for free.

Every campaign should have a qualified treasurer and compliance counsel review the rules before paying candidate compensation. But the larger lesson is simple: early organizing, early fundraising, and early public support can give ordinary Americans a real path to becoming viable candidates.

The standard must be higher than “not the incumbent.”

There is one danger in any anti-establishment movement: confusing opposition with qualification.

It is not enough for a candidate to be angry at Congress. Millions of Americans are angry at Congress. It is not enough to be outside the party machine. Some outsiders are reckless, unserious, or easily captured after they win. It is not enough to use the right slogans. The donor class can adapt to slogans.

Clean Slate candidates must meet a higher standard.

They must support U.S. workers in substance, not just rhetoric. They must understand how corporate capture works. They must oppose labor arbitrage that replaces American workers while pretending there is a “shortage.” They must reject corporate PAC dependency. They must support real penalties for violations of workers’ rights. They must understand that government belongs to natural persons, not corporations. They must be willing to decentralize congressional power, restrict lobbying influence, ban congressional stock trading, and restore accountability to the People’s House.

They must also be able to win trust across old party lines.

An America First, pro-worker candidate cannot sound like a recycled partisan. The country is exhausted by that. The candidate must speak to independents, disaffected Republicans, disaffected Democrats, nonvoters, union members, small business owners, parents, and workers who have been lied to by both parties. They must be able to say clearly: the parties are not our identity; American workers are our priority.

That is a different kind of politics.

It is not left versus right. It is workers versus the donor machine.

The model is proven enough to try at scale

No strategy comes with guarantees. Justice Democrats did not win every race. Most insurgent candidates lose. Incumbents are powerful. Money matters. Media matters. Ballot rules matter. District conditions matter. Candidate quality matters. Timing matters.

But the old strategy has already failed.

Waiting for party committees to save American workers has failed. Waiting for donor-funded incumbents to reform themselves has failed. Waiting for Congress to voluntarily surrender its privileges has failed. Voting every two years for the least bad option and hoping the machine becomes less corrupt has failed.

A community-driven candidate search is not guaranteed to work everywhere. But it is a serious answer to the actual problem: the people are not controlling the candidate pipeline.

Justice Democrats showed that the pipeline can be challenged. A public nomination process can surface unexpected candidates. Small teams can review thousands of names. Volunteers can build field operations. Small donors can support campaigns that major donors ignore. Primary voters can defeat incumbents who look untouchable. A new bloc can enter Congress and change the national conversation.

Clean Slate 2028 should learn the lesson and apply it in the service of American workers.

Search every district. Find the credible local representative. Build the District Committee. Choose the primary gate. Use the ballot label tactically. Support the candidate early. Promote the pledge. Concentrate the independent-minded majority. Overrun the weak primary. Elect a Clean Slate Congress.

The representative is already out there.

They may not know it yet.

Our job is to find them.

References

Ballotpedia, “Justice Democrats.” https://ballotpedia.org/Justice_Democrats

HuffPost, “How This Young Political Group Discovered Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.” https://www.huffpost.com/entry/justice-democrats-alexandria-ocasio-cortez_n_5cc345f1e4b0fd8e35bc2226

Justice Democrats, “Candidates.” https://justicedemocrats.com/candidates/

BBC News, “AOC, Omar, Pressley, Tlaib: Who are ‘the squad’ of congresswomen?” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-48994931

Politico, “Group aligned with Ocasio-Cortez prepares to take out Democrats.” https://www.politico.com/story/2019/01/16/justice-democrats-primary-challenges-alexandria-ocasio-cortez-1106911